|
|
|
|
تحلیل راهبرد قدرت ملی چین در پرتو نهادهای منطقهای و بینالمللی
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
نویسنده
|
رستمی فرزاد ,آزادبخت مریم
|
|
منبع
|
تعاملات ديپلماتيك - 1403 - دوره : 2 - شماره : 7 - صفحه:133 -182
|
|
چکیده
|
با آغاز قرن بیستم، ضرورت پذیرش نهادهای مختلف گسترش یافت و این نهادها خود، در جهت ارتقای صلح و همکاری بین کشورها وافزایش قدرت ملی کشورها گام برمیدارند وکشورها نیز برای تعامل با نظام بینالملل به مشارکت در این نهادها نیازمندند. چین هم مانند سایر کشورها، در خصوص نهادها در دو بعد منطقهای و بینالمللی به دنبال بهرهگیری از ظرفیتهای موجود برای ارتقاء قدرت ملی خود بوده است. دراین راستا، راه میانهای از سوی چین دنبال شده است؛ از یک طرف چین درپی نهادسازی بوده و از طرف دیگر همچنان به نهادپذیری و مشارکت فعال در آنها روی آورده است و یکی از معماهای رفتار نهادی چین راهبردی متفاوت در قبال نهادهای مختلف بوده است. یافته های پژوهش نشان دهنده این موضوع است که نهادهای منطقه ای و بین المللی افزایش قدرت ملی و تقویت حوزه نفوذ چین را در حوزه نرم افزاری به دنبال داشته است. مقاله حاضر قصد پاسخگویی به این سوال را دارد که نهادهای منطقه ای و بین المللی چه جایگاهی در راهبرد قدرت ملی چین دارند؟ برای پاسخگویی به این سوال، فرضیهی مطرح شده به این صورت است؛ پذیرش نهادهای موجود منطقه ای و بین المللی و مشارکت در این نهادها، توسط چین، ارتقاء قدرت ملی، تقویت جایگاه بین المللی این کشور و مقابله با یکجانبه گرایی آمریکا را در پی داشته است. با توجه به جمع آوری اطلاعات و داده ها در راستای چارچوب نظری پژوهش، روش تحقیق این مقاله توصیفی_ تحلیلی میباشد.
|
|
کلیدواژه
|
قدرت نرم ,نهادهای بین المللی ,قدرت ملی چین ,سیاست خارجی تنش زدا ,تنش زدایی چین
|
|
آدرس
|
دانشگاه رازی, ایران, دانشگاه رازی, ایران
|
|
پست الکترونیکی
|
m.azadbakht78@gmail.com
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
analyzing china's national power strategy through regional and international institutions
|
|
|
|
|
Authors
|
rostami farzad ,azadbakht maryam
|
|
Abstract
|
problem statementsince the beginning of the twentieth century, institution-building has increasingly been recognized as a vital means of addressing international challenges. the formation of the league of nations marked an early manifestation of this realization. although the league ultimately failed and world war ii broke out, these setbacks did not extinguish the ideal of international organization. on the contrary, they laid the groundwork for the emergence of stronger and more ambitious international institutions. gradually, more states came to view the creation of international mechanisms to manage shared interests as both practical and beneficial. in its trajectory of development and rise, china has not only shown consistent interest in participating in international organizations but has approached them with a calculated and strategic mindset. as part of its broader foreign policy, china has pursued de-escalation and engagement to expand its national power, particularly through the use of soft power tools. this research seeks to explore the role of international institutions in china's national power strategy. the central hypothesis posits that china, to enhance its economic influence and counterbalance american unilateralism, has embraced both the normalization of existing institutions and the creation of new ones. these institutions—whether inherited or initiated by china—are believed to contribute significantly to the expansion of china's national power and its strengthening international position.research backgroundterry flew (2016) examined china's national power through the lens of international media, arguing that soft power has played an increasingly influential role in recent years. according to flew, china has strategically leveraged soft power to support the global expansion of china central television (cctv) and the growth of its entertainment media industry. he asserts that china is a key site for the application of soft power, which it employs to advance its international objectives. similarly, rosalie l. tung (2016), in her article opportunities and challenges facing china’s new normal, explored the dynamics of china's evolving economic landscape and its implications for multinational corporations and foreign investment. she identifies regional economic integration, substantial financial reserves for development, and other factors as major opportunities for china. at the same time, she highlights serious challenges, including an aging population, corruption, and rising income inequality. tung predicts that by 2030, china may surpass japan to become the second-largest capital market in the world.research objectivethe purpose of this study is to examine the role of international institutions within china's national power strategy. as china emerges as one of the most significant rising powers—often characterized as a revisionist actor dissatisfied with the current international distribution of power and possessing both the capability and the ambition to reshape the existing order and construct a new one—it becomes essential to analyze how it engages with international institutions as part of this broader strategic objective.research methodthis study employs the theoretical framework of soft power to examine the role of regional and international institutions in china's national power strategy. given that the analysis of the collected data is grounded in this theoretical approach, the research adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology.report of research findingschina’s contemporary foreign policy regards international organizations as a new source of power in the global arena—platforms through which it can pursue and secure its national interests. from beijing’s perspective, such institutions help minimize conflicts between states, as they are products of intersubjective understanding and contribute to the convergence of expectations among actors within specific regions or issue areas. china seeks to shape a new international environment that aligns more closely with its strategic preferences. to achieve this, beijing has adopted a dual-track approach: on the one hand, by creating new institutions, and on the other, by actively participating in existing international organizations such as the world bank, the world trade organization (wto), and the international monetary fund (imf). this aspiration to enhance china’s global standing has led to the integration of regional institution-building into its foreign policy agenda. these institutions and initiatives serve as tools to advance china’s political, economic, and cultural interests; increase its influence among member states; bolster its regional leadership; and potentially position china as a global leader. moreover, they may empower beijing to promote reform within existing multilateral institutions. international institutions are thus seen as critical mechanisms for integrating chinese society with the broader international community. from this perspective, china’s growing involvement in diverse institutional frameworks facilitates its alignment and coordination with global norms and systems. for chinese leaders—particularly deng xiaoping and his successors—active participation in international organizations has been a central component of the country’s development trajectory and a means of reshaping its role in the international order.conclusionsince the 1970s, china has been on a sustained path of economic growth and development. by pursuing policies of desensitization, de-escalation, and opening up to the world, beijing has aimed to promote multilateralism and forge alliances and partnerships with other countries to soften global perceptions of china. in this context, it has actively sought various means of enhancing its national power through the strategic use of soft power, diplomacy, and bargaining. institution-building and institutionalization have played a key role in this strategy, enabling china to access global financial and technological resources to support the development of its economy. consequently, china's foreign policy views international institutions as a new and important source of power—mechanisms that can advance national interests, elevate china's international standing, confer legitimacy, and expand its global influence.
|
|
Keywords
|
soft power ,international institutions ,chinese national power ,de-escalation foreign policy ,chinese de-escalation
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|