بررسی تطبیقی تعامل کودک با محیط شهری از منظر اندیشه اسلامی و غربی

ایده شهر دوستدار کودک از سال 1996 ارائه شد تا شهرها را برای همه افراد، به‌ویژه کودکان، قابل زندگی کند. امروزه بسیاری کشورها اصول شهر دوستدار کودک را به کار می بندند؛ اما توجه به فضاهای مناسب کودک در ایران سابقه چندانی ندارد. غالب این فضاها الگوبرداری صوری و ظاهری از تجارب سایر کشورها، بدون توجه به زمینه فرهنگی آن است. این تحقیق با راهبرد استدلال منطقی در تحقیقات کیفی، با مطالعه آرائ نظریه پردازان اسلامی و غربی رشد کودک و گردآوری شاخص های محیطی موثر در تعامل کودک با محیط از دو دیدگاه فوق، به دنبال مقایسه تطبیقی نحوه تعامل کودک با محیط شهری از دو منظر اسلامی و غربی است. مطابق فرایند مقایسه تطبیقی، این پژوهش در 3 گام انجام میشود: ابتدا مسئله اصلی مطرح می‌شود. سپس دامنه تحقیق، تنگ شده و در آخر، بیشترین وجوه تمایز و تشابه در ارتباط کودک با محیط از دو منظر اسلامی و غربی معرفی می‌شوند. مقایسه تطبیقی به اشتراکات و افتراقات دو دیدگاه در دو سطح کلان(محیط های پیرامون کودک) و خرد(شاخص های محیطی هر یک از محیط های پیرامونی کودک) می پردازد. در سطح کلان، باوجودیکه دین اسلام مستقیماً درباره فضاهای شهری مناسب کودکان و ارتباط آنها با این فضاها سخن به میان نیاورده؛ اما تعالیم اسلامی به محیط به عنوان بستری برای انتقال ارزش‌های اخلاقی دینی می نگرد. در سطح خرد، تعالیم اسلامی بر چهار مسئله تاکید کرده اند که در متون غربی دیده نمی شود: آموختن آداب دینی به کودک در بازی ها، اعمال محدودیت در بازی خارج از خانه برای دختر، محدودکردن بازی های دختر و پسر، ممانعت از ورود کودک به محیط کفر. درحالیکه اهداف شهر دوستدار کودک غربی در مشارکت کودک، داشتن حقوق برابر با سایر شهروندان و سلامت جسمی و روانی او خلاصه می شود؛ محیط مناسب کودک در متون اسلامی ضمن تاکید بر احقاق حقوق کودک، آسایش و سلامت او به عنوان الزامات رشد، بر ارزش های حاکم بر محیط عملی کودک تمرکز کرده، توصیه می کند کودک در محیطی رشد کند که فطرت او آسیب نبیند تا به کمال نسبی دست یابد. لذا این پژوهش الگوی جدید شهر مناسب کودک از منظر اندیشه اسلامی را با عنوان شهر مربی کودک معرفی می کند.

Comparative Study of Child and Environment Intercommunication from Islamic and Western Perspective

Considering request, need and welfare of children has a long record in West and gets back to 19th century. The idea of child friendly city was adopted in 1996 to make cities liveable for all and its goal was to put the children on top. This is how countries distant themselves from mere concept and utilize CFC principles today. On the other hand, paying attention to child proper spaces has no long record in Iran. Most children`s spaces are external copies of other countries experiences with no regarding to social and cultural context.The research is decided to compare the way in which a child intercommunicates with city environment from two Islamic(Philosophy, Religion and Gnosticism) and Western perspectives, by deduction in qualitative research, studying Islamic and Western theories toward children and compiling effective environmental factors in child and environment interactions. Comparative study includes similarities and differences in two scales: major (child environments) and minor (environmental factors) both in Western and Islamic documents. In major scale, Islamic instructions focus on the environment as a channel to transfer concepts and religious ethics. In minor scale Islamic instructions emphasize on 4 subjects that can`t be seen in western`s: teaching rituals via playing, limiting girls playing outside, limiting girls playing with boys and preventing children from entering infidelital environments. While CFC of west is summarized in participation, equal right with other citizens, mental and physical health; a proper environment for children in Islamic documents, besides proving children`s rights, relief and health as necessities of child growth, emphasizes on values and norms in functional environment. In addition, it advises that a child ought to grow in a place which her temperament does not get hurt to come to relative perfection. Here, an IslamicIranian model named ldquo;child preceptor city rdquo; takes form. The research in theoretical part, using the analyticaldescriptive method, has presented a theoretical framework. In the first stage (study of relevant texts and identification of the defining components of research), a comparative method has been used. The methods of collecting information and the subject history in this research, in addition to documentary and library studies, will also include field studies that are used to compile the subject literature review and to find the thematic framework. At this stage, by expressing the perceptual concept, the architectural porosity elements as well as the study of its theories, criteria, rules and components are explained. In the second stage, using the criteria and components obtained in the previous one, the classification of porosity elements, the selection of criteria and the facades' porosity effective variables, as well as structured questionnaires to find the relationship between these variables and their impact on each other and the amount of facades' porosity a quantitative method for obtaining it will be presented. In the third stage and in the case study section, the theoretical framework and the porosity assessment method are carried out in relation to the 30 facades of historical houses of Tabriz city and the research data are analyzed based on descriptive statistics.Based on the findings of the research, the facades have a special feature called porosity number that is unique to it. The structure of the forming elements and the porosity changes of the facades also follow a particular pattern. The research also shows that the main trait of porosity is openness which the space is inside it. Air circulation, light and the connection of internal and external spaces are the major physical achievements of porosity and its spiritual achievement is the space and the raised meaning in architecture. Empty, in spite of the lack of material has an equal value, and sometimes more than full, and how it is created and placed not only increases the physical and spatial quality but also can have an impact in evaluations. Porosity is one of the basic visual qualities, which over time has found a more significant role in the facade. Porosity has a hidden and mysterious pattern that can be the result of aesthetic feedback from architects, observers/residents, and environmental conditions of the region. A certain evident percentage of porosity and a Specific pattern and alignment of porous space arrangement in this study indicate that, at least in Tabriz's environmental conditions, a specific pattern of porosity is a part of the aesthetic preferences of the architects and the residentialhistorical architectural users of Tabriz city. This pattern and alignment can at least be considered by contemporary architects in this culturalclimatic area as an aesthetic factor. Of course, the generalization of these features to other cities in Iran and beyond requires more and wider research.