محدودیت‌های واج‌آرایی در وام‌واژه‌های سه‌هجایی دارای توالی‌ سه‌همخوانی: رویکرد بهینگی

این پژوهش محدودیت های واج آرایی را در وام واژه های سه هجایی که در زیرساخت، توالی سه همخوانی دارند، در چارچوب بهینگی بررسی می‏کند. از نظر پولگرام و میچ (1965:76) رشته ای از همخوان ها که درون یک هجا هستند، خوشه نام دارند و اگر در در دو هجای متوالی باشند، توالی تشکیل می دهند. اغلب توالی های سه همخوانی، در زیرساخت نتیجۀ وجود خوشه همخوانی آغازی در هجای دوم یا سوم می باشند که با پایانه هجای قبل تشکیل توالی می دهد. برای مطالعه این توالی ها، 9725 واژه بسیط سه هجایی موجود در زبان فارسی از فرهنگ مشیری و دهخدا استخراج شدند و پس از ثبت و تحلیل در نرم افزار اکسل، 36 واژه دارای توالی سه همخوانی در مرز هجاها شناسایی گردید. مطالعات نشان می دهند  همه واژه های دارای توالی همخوانی، وام واژه هستند، بجز سه مورد که متعلق به فارسی قدیم با کاربرد مهجور هستند. همچنین، توالی های سه همخوانی حاصل از خوشه آغازی برای شکستن خوشه آغازی و انطباق با ساخت هجایی فارسی بازهجابندی می شوند و بازهجابندی بدون درج واکه و یا همراه با درجِ واکه به صورت اجباری و همنوا رخ می دهند تا از تشکیل خوشه آغازی در فارسی جلوگیری شود. در همه این موارد، بازهجابندی منوط به برقراری رسایی در مرز هجاست و با استفاده از استدلال گوسکوا (2001) درباره نقش محدودیت مجاورت هجا تبیین می شود.

Phonotactic Constraints on Tri-Syllabic Loanwords Containing Three-Consonant Sequences: An Optimality Account

Abstract This paper examined the constraints on trisyllabic loanwords in Persian, which contained threeconsonant sequences in the underlying representation, within an optimalitytheoretic account. Pulgram and Mich (1965:76) called a series of consonants as cluster occurring in the same syllable, and as sequence appearing in two consecutive syllables. Most of threeconsonant sequences are the result of a complex onset placed wordmedially in the second or third syllable and the consonants are put in the coda position of the preceding syllable. Having analyzed 9725 simple trisyllabic words in Persian, a total of 36 words with three consonant sequences in the syllable boundaries were extracted. The results showed that they were all loanwords, except for three of them originating from Old Persian with no usage in contemporary Persian. In Persian, consonant clusters are avoided in onset position; consequently, three consonant sequences of a complex onset origin, when introduced into Persian, are adapted to fit the syllable structure of the target language and undergo resyllabification. Resyllabification occurs either with or without a vowel epenthesis and the processes all conspire to avoid a complex onset. Moreover, it is argued that in all these sequences, resyllabification is subject to meeting the sonority at the syllable boundary and is explained by Gouskova’s (2001) proposal as the effect of the Syllable Contact Law (SCL), i.e., the preference for sonority to fall across a syllable boundary (Murray and Vennemann, 1983).Keywords: loanword, threeconsonant sequences, Syllable Contact Law (SCL), resyllabification. IntroductionIn Persian, any syllable in the surface realization contains an obligatory onset, an obligatory vowel as nucleus, and an optional coda consisting of one or two consonants, that is a structure of CV(C)(C) (Windfuhr, 1997: 138139; Samareh, 1999: 108110; Kambuziya, 2006: 149). Our study of simple trisyllabic words with threeconsonant sequences in Persian showed that they were all loanwords and behaved differently to adapt Persian syllable structure. Some threeconsonant sequences resulted from a nonfinal CVCC and the following onset and they met the requirements of Persian syllable structure. However, most of the sequences resulted from an onset cluster placed wordmedially. Onset clusters are not allowed in Persian, so when they are introduced into Persian, resyllabification is inevitable. Resyllabification includes movement of a consonant from one syllable to the adjacent syllable (Jam, 2015:22). To break up the onset cluster, some sequences are resyllabified without vowel epenthesis; as in ‘institute’ [/Qns.ti.to],  while in most loanwords, a vowel is inserted either between or at the edge of the two segments of the onset cluster as in ‘arthrose’ [/Ar.to.roz]. The different behaviors of these loanwords toward resyllabification raised this question: What are the most plausible constraints governing resyllabification in loanwords with threeconsonant sequences of a complex onset origin? The hypothesis was as follows: Syllable Contact Law (SCL) explains resyllabification either with or without vowel epenthesis in such sequences. Materials and MethodsThe research data included a set of trisyllabic loanwords in Persian that contained threeconsonant sequences in the underlying representation. To investigate the research hypothesis, 9725 simple trisyllabic words were collected from Dehkhoda (2003) and Moshiri (2009) dictionaries, sorted in an Excel worksheet with all their etymological and phonological information, and then the threeconsonant sequences were extracted. Except for 3 words, all the others were loanwords from English and French (a total of 36 words). The nativised pronunciations of the loanwords are mostly common and are based on the transcriptions provided in the aforementioned Persian dictionaries, as well as the linguistic intuition of the authors as Persian native speakers. The irrelevant details of segmental adaptations to fit Persian sound system do not concern the arguments. Discussion of Results ConclusionsOur study of trisyllabic loanwords containing threeconsonant sequences showed that they were in an optimality account with resyllabifications without epenthesis or with vowel epenthesis appearing to involve different processes, but conspiring to prevent onset clusters in Persian. The data provided enough support for Gouskova’s (2001) proposal that epenthesis stimulus is an onset cluster and that the Syllable Contact Law (SCL) plays a crucial role in resyllabification, i.e., resyllabification is to meet the sonority at the syllable boundaries. In this study, when an onset cluster displayed a segment sequence of falling sonority and consisted of a voiceless sibilant and a stop, resyllabification happened without vowel epenthesis and the first consonant of the onset cluster moved to the coda poition of the preceding syllable. Therefore, the sonority fell at the syllable boundary without any vowel epnthesis.