فروپاشی خرده‌گفتمان عشیره‌ای و رفتار انتخاباتی در انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی؛ مطالعۀ موردی: حوزۀ انتخابی بویراحمد در دورۀ نهم انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی

رفتار انتخاباتی زمان‌مند، زمینه‌‌مند و مکان‌مند است. به ‌بیان ‌دیگر، رفتار رای‌دهندگان از یک حوزۀ انتخابی به حوزۀ انتخابی دیگر و از یک انتخابات به انتخابات دیگر متفاوت است. در سال‌های گذشته مشارکت رای‌دهندگان در استان‌های دارای بافت و ساخت اجتماعی عشیره‌ای در انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی بسیار زیاد بوده است. حوزۀ انتخابی بویراحمد ازجمله حوزه‌های انتخابی کشور بوده است که در تمام دوره‌های انتخابات مجلس شورای اسلامی بیشترین میزان مشارکت را داشته است. بسیاری از پژوهش‌ها، این میزان زیاد مشارکت را با بافت اجتماعی و هژمونی خرده‌گفتمان عشیره‌ای این حوزه تحلیل کرده‌اند. در این مقاله این سوال مطرح شده است که آیا گفتمان عشیره‌ای بر رفتار انتخاباتی رای‌دهندگان در یاسوج مسلط است یا این گفتمان‌ هژمونی خود را از دست ‌داده است. به‌ عبارت‌ دیگر، آیا هنوز گفتمان قوم‌گرایی بر رفتار انتخاباتی مردم یاسوج حاکم است یا اینکه رفتار انتخاباتی سوژه‌ها تغییر یافته و گفتمان دیگری جایگزین این گفتمان شده است. در این پژوهش از رویکرد منظومۀ نظری استفاده می‌شود و با درهم‌تنیدن نظریه‌های رفتار انتخاباتی و تحلیل گفتمان لاکلاو و موفه و استفاده از روش مصاحبۀ گروهی متمرکز، گروه‌های اجتماعی زنان خانه‌دار، دانشجویان، کارمندان، بیکاران، ریش‌سفیدان و بزرگان روستاها، کارگران و کشاورزان یاسوج و روستاهای اطراف این شهر مطالعه می‌شوند و از این طریق مفصل‌بندی گفتمانی حاکم بر ذهنیت مشارکت‌کنندگان در بحث‌های گروهی دربارۀ انتخابات مجلس شوری اسلامی بررسی می‌شود.

Collapse of Tribe Sub Conversation and Elective Behavior In Islamic Council Parliament Election: A Case Study of the Boyer Ahmad Provincial Assembly

Introdution Electoral behavior is timebased, placebased, and contextbased. In the way that voters’ behavior varies from one constituency to another and from one election to another. In recent years, the participation of voters in provinces with social tribalism context were high in the Islamic Consultative Assembly election, with the Boyer Ahmad constituency being among the constituencies where voters have a high degree of participation. Many scholars associated this area with the social context and the hegemony of the tribal subdiscourse. In the present research, the question is whether this subdiscourse has lost its hegemony and has fallen into disrepair or still remains strong?   Material & Methods To answer this question, the theoretical system approach has been utilized, the theory of electoral behavior and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis have been mixed and the focus group method has been used. Different social groups were used in Yasuj and the villages around the city, and thus the discursive articulation of the subjectivity of social subjects was identified and their electoral behaviors were estimated. The study groups included housewives, students, employees, nonemployed people, deans and village elders, taxi drivers, workers and farmers. This interview was held in early March, 2016. Housewives make up 62 percent of Yasuj women and its surrounding villages, so their views are important. Workers are also an important part of the community who have simple but noteworthy ideas. Employees as examples of educated people play an important role in shaping the mentality of people and their family members; in addition, the dominant atmosphere of government departments is very effective in shaping the mentality of employees.Nonemployed people in the current population form a large population whose participation or lack of participation in the election is influenced by various factors. In the other side, students play an important role in the manner of selecting candidates due to the access to resources such as the Internet, the books, the journals, the discursive space in the university;and they have an undeniable role in the awareness and attitudes of their family members.Deans and elders are also among those people who affect their neighborhood people and are trusted among people. Taxi drivers are also accompanied and in touch with different people. Therefore, some of the social groups selected in the present study form important groups of society, which was a good choice for the present study.Therefore, during this research, a focused and detailed group interview was conducted on these important social groups. Based on the results of previous studies, the tribal subdiscourse wasthe dominant discourse shaping the behavior of voters in the electoral constituency with a tribal structure, including Boyer Ahmad   Discussion of Results & Conclusions The social stakeholders in these provinces resort to a variety of ways to reproduce their power and seize hegemony; so, election is an opportunity for them to reproduce their power. The influential social groups are trying to consolidate their discourse by encouraging the elements of tribalism and fostering tribal prejudices and stimulating people’s sentiments.But fixing signs in a discourse is never permanent and is still changing.Using the analysis of the centralized group interviews conducted in this paper, we have come to the conclusion that the tribal and dominant subdiscourse in Yasuj has been deconstructed, and the discourse of personal and national interests is becoming the dominant discourse. In other words, the discourse of the tribes lost its credibility, and the discourse of individual and national interests dominated the subjectivity of social subjects. With regards to the interviews, changes in the electoral behavior of subjects became tangible. If relativism played a major role in Beyer Ahmadi’s electoral behavior in the past; now, personal interests, especially economic and national interests, have become the central platform for the discourse of the social groups in this constituency.Even those who consider tribalism in the election said that they did do so to reach their personal interests and needs of themselves and their family. In fact, the economic factor and individual interests have become very important in people’s voting. In the group discussions that took place, it was found that subjects in the election choose the right candidateby calculating rationally and evaluating the profits and losses, and this is where the importance of individual and economic interests becomes apparent to other components. Therefore, the research shows that in the Boyer Ahmad constituency there has been a discrepancy in the tribal subdiscourse.  Moreover, although the social structures have not undergone a fundamental change, the central elements have been flawed.Participants in the group discussions focused on their electoral behavior tended to adopt a kind of individualist discourse that is in the interests of individual and national, and the discourse of tribal and tribal affiliations has been rejected and marginalized in their mentality.